Negative attitudes of heterosexual people toward same-sex marriage relate to the degree to which they are homophobic. However, it has been understudied whether there exists a gender difference in this association. Our results indicated that homophobia was the best predictor of attitudes toward gay male and lesbian marriage, and this was equally true for both heterosexual men and women. However, the attitudinal difference between gay male and lesbian marriage was related to homophobia in men but not in women. That is, for men only, being less homophobic toward lesbians than toward gay men was associated with favoring lesbian over gay men marriage. Considering these results, the role of gender in attitudes toward same-sex marriage seems to be as an important moderator of homophobia.

Using a survey of more than 5,000 American consumers, this study examines connections between attitudes toward same-sex marriage and media consumption. A positive attitude is predicted by being liberal and less religious, supporting gender and racial equality, willing to try anything once, considering television the primary form of entertainment, watching political talk shows, and reading blogs. The theoretical and methodological contributions and real-world implications of these findings are discussed.

Objectives. This study examines links between multiple aspects of religious involvement and attitudes toward same-sex marriage among U.S. Latinos. The primary focus is on variations by affiliation and participation, but the possible mediating roles of biblical beliefs, clergy cues, and the role of religion in shaping political views are also considered.Methods. We use binary logistic regression models to analyze data from a large nationwide sample of U.S. Latinos conducted by the Pew Hispanic Forum in late 2006.Results. Findings highlight the strong opposition to same-sex marriage among Latino evangelical (or conservative) Protestants and members of sectarian groups (e.g., LDS), even compared with devout Catholics. Although each of the hypothesized mediators is significantly linked with attitudes toward same-sex marriage, for the most part controlling for them does not alter the massive affiliation/attendance differences in attitudes toward same-sex marriage.Conclusions. This study illustrates the importance of religious cleavages in public opinion on social issues within the diverse U.S. Latino population. The significance of religious variations in Hispanic civic life is likely to increase with the growth of the Latino population and the rising numbers of Protestants and sectarians among Latinos.

The purpose of this study was to examine the variables that explain attitudes toward same-sex marriage. Using recently collected Scandinavian data (from Norway and Sweden) with a high response rate, this study shows that gender, regular participation in religious activities, political ideology, education, whether the respondent lived in the capital city, and attitudes toward gender equality were important for attitudes toward same-sex marriage. Age and income were not important for attitudes toward same-sex marriage. Although both Norwegians and Swedes clearly favor same-sex marriage, Swedes are significantly more positive than Norwegians.

OBJECTIVES:We examined whether same-sex marriage was associated with nonspecific psychological distress among self-identified lesbian, gay, and bisexual adults, and whether it had the potential to offset mental health disparities between lesbian, gay, and bisexual persons and heterosexuals. METHODS:Population-based data (weighted) were from the 2009 adult (aged 18-70 years) California Health Interview Survey. Within-group analysis of lesbian, gay, and bisexual persons included 1166 individuals (weighted proportion = 3.15%); within-group heterosexual analysis included 35 608 individuals (weighted proportion = 96.58%); and pooled analysis of lesbian, gay, and bisexual persons and heterosexuals included 36 774 individuals. RESULTS:Same-sex married lesbian, gay, and bisexual persons were significantly less distressed than lesbian, gay, and bisexual persons not in a legally recognized relationship; married heterosexuals were significantly less distressed than nonmarried heterosexuals. In adjusted pairwise comparisons, married heterosexuals had the lowest psychological distress, and lesbian, gay, and bisexual persons who were not in legalized relationships had the highest psychological distress (P < .001). Psychological distress was not significantly distinguishable among same-sex married lesbian, gay, and bisexual persons, lesbian, gay, and bisexual persons in registered domestic partnerships, and heterosexuals. CONCLUSIONS:Being in a legally recognized same-sex relationship, marriage in particular, appeared to diminish mental health differentials between heterosexuals and lesbian, gay, and bisexual persons. Researchers must continue to examine potential health benefits of same-sex marriage, which is at least in part a public health issue.

It has long been argued that the legalization of same-sex marriage would have a negative impact on marriage. In this article, I examine how different-sex marriage in the Netherlands was affected by the enactment of two laws: a 1998 law that provided all couples with an institution almost identical to marriage (a "registered partnership") and a 2001 law that legalized same-sex marriage for the first time in the world. I first construct a synthetic control for the Netherlands using OECD data for the period 1988-2005 and find that neither law had significant effects on either the overall or different-sex marriage rate. I next construct a unique individual-level data set covering the period 1995-2005 by combining the Dutch Labor Force Survey and official municipal records. The estimates from a discrete-time hazard model with unobserved heterogeneity for the first-marriage decision confirm the findings in the aggregate analysis. The effects of the two laws are heterogeneous, with presumably more-liberal individuals (as defined by their residence or ethnicity) marrying less after passage of both laws and potentially more-conservative individuals marrying more after passage of each law.

The goal of the present research was to validate a Portuguese version of Pearl and Galupo's (2007) Attitudes toward Same-Sex Marriage Scale (ATSM). Participants were 1,402 heterosexual men and women that completed an on-line questionnaire. The final 15-item scale formed a single factor showing high internal consistency (α = .95). This one factor structure was backed-up by a confirmatory factorial analysis. In a general way, the results indicate a clearly positive attitude toward same-sex marriage (overall mean was 63.79, SD = 12.66, above the scale mid-point, t(1401) = 55.55, p < .001). Furthermore, analysis of the scale's predictors demonstrates how a left-wing orientation (β = .22, p < .001) and the level of denial of deservingness for lesbian/gay discrimination (β = .30, p < .001) prove to be the best predictors of attitudes towards same-sex marriage. On the whole, these results indicate that the Portuguese ATSM version is a reliable instrument for carrying out scientific research and measuring and monitoring public opinion on this subject.

OBJECTIVES:We examined disparities in health insurance coverage for racial/ethnic minorities in same-sex relationships. METHODS:We used data from the 2009 to 2011 American Community Survey on nonelderly adults (aged 25-64 years) in same-sex (n = 32 744), married opposite-sex (n = 2 866 636), and unmarried opposite-sex (n = 268 298) relationships. We used multinomial logistic regression models to compare differences in the primary source of health insurance while controlling for key demographic and socioeconomic factors. RESULTS:Adults of all races/ethnicities in same-sex relationships were less likely than were White adults in married opposite-sex relationships to report having employer-sponsored health insurance. Hispanic men, Black women, and American Indian/Alaska Native women in same-sex relationships were much less likely to have employer-sponsored health insurance than were their White counterparts in married opposite-sex relationships and their White counterparts in same-sex relationships. CONCLUSIONS:Differences in coverage by relationship type and race/ethnicity may worsen over time as states follow different paths to implementing health care reform and same-sex marriage.

The current study investigated social support and relationship status (single, dating-but-not-cohabiting, cohabiting, domestic partnership/civil union, married) as predictors of depressive symptoms among lesbian and heterosexual women. The study aimed to determine whether the documented higher rates of depressive symptoms among lesbians compared to heterosexual women could be accounted for by lesbians' reduced access to, or in many cases exclusion from, legalized relationship statuses. The effect of social support from family and social support from friends on depressive symptoms also was examined. Contrary to expectations, results indicated no difference in levels of depressive symptoms among lesbian compared to heterosexual women in this sample. However, regardless of sexual orientation, married women had lower levels of depressive symptoms than unmarried women. Thus, marriage seems to be associated with less depression in lesbian and heterosexual women alike. The interaction of social support and relationship status added to the prediction of depressive symptoms over and above the predictive power of either variable alone, although this effect was small and should be interpreted with caution.

The children of different-sex married couples appear to be advantaged on a range of outcomes relative to the children of different-sex cohabiting couples. Despite the legalization of same-sex marriage in the United States, whether and how this general pattern extends to the children of same-sex married and cohabiting couples is unknown. This study examines this question with nationally representative data from the 2004-2013 pooled National Health Interview Survey (NHIS). Results reveal that children in cohabiting households have poorer health outcomes than children in married households regardless of the sex composition of their parents. Children in same-sex and different-sex married households are relatively similar to each other on health outcomes, as are children in same-sex and different-sex cohabiting households. These patterns are not fully explained by socioeconomic differences among the four different types of families. This evidence can inform general debates about family structure and child health as well as policy interventions aiming to reduce child health disparities.

PURPOSE:After signing of the Same-Sex Marriage (Prohibition) Act 2013 in Nigeria, media reports portray widespread societal intolerance toward the lesbian, gay, and bisexual population. This study was conducted to assess the attitudes of university undergraduates in Lagos state, Nigeria, toward provision of healthcare services for men who have sex with men (MSM), because the 2014 same-sex marriage prohibition law stipulates a jail sentence for organizations providing services to MSM. METHODS:A cross-sectional descriptive study was conducted by using self-administered questionnaires to collect information, including homophobic attitudes and views on access to healthcare, from 4000 undergraduates in 10 randomly selected faculties in two universities. During analysis, inter-university and inter-faculty comparison was carried out between medical and nonmedical students. RESULTS:Outright denial of healthcare services to MSM was supported by 37.6% of the 3537 undergraduates who responded, whereas denial of HIV prevention services was supported by 32.5%. However, compared with 38.7% and 34.1% of undergraduates from other faculties, 23.7% and 18.2% of medical students agreed that healthcare providers should not provide services to MSM and that MSM should not have access to HIV prevention services, respectively (P = 0.000). Although a significant proportion of the medical students supported the statement that doctors and other healthcare workers should be compelled to give priority to other groups before MSM (29.4% of medical vs. 47.2% of students from other faculties), a statistically significant difference was observed between the two groups of students. The homophobic statement with the highest support was that doctors and healthcare workers should be compelled to report MSM who come to access treatment (48.1% of medical vs. 57.4% of students from other faculties). CONCLUSION:A very high proportion of the undergraduate students had a negative attitude toward provision of healthcare services to MSM in Nigeria; the medical students were, however, less homophobic than their nonmedical counterparts. If attitudes translate to a lack of healthcare service provision to MSM, with the high burden of HIV among MSM in Nigeria, it is unlikely that the country will achieve the UNAIDS 90-90-90 target of 90% of the population knowing their HIV status, 90% of people living with HIV receiving sustained antiretroviral medication, and 90% of those receiving antiretroviral medication having viral suppression by 2020.

Same-sex marriage is a widely debated issue, including in Australia. This study used an online anonymous survey, with free-text responses, to investigate romantic and sexual relationships among Australian gay and bisexual men. We sought to identify what proportion of such men intended to marry their primary regular partner if marriage was made legally available to same-sex couples in Australia, as well as factors associated with intention or non-intention to marry. Most men in the sample did not intend to marry their primary regular partner. Even among men who considered themselves to be in a 'relationship' with their primary regular partner, less than half intended to marry him. However, many men who would not marry their current primary regular partner agreed that same-sex marriage should be available for gay and bisexual men in Australia. Reasons for intention to marry included a desire for social and legal equality, and ideas about marriage as a rite of passage, an expression of love and the most valued form of relationship in Australia. Those who did not intend to marry their primary regular partner offered a number of reasons, including that the nature of their relationship was incompatible with marriage, and reported a critical position towards marriage as a heteronormative institution.

Previous psychological and public health research has highlighted the impact of legal recognition of same-sex relationships on individual identity and mental health. Using a sample of U.S. sexual minority (N = 313) and heterosexual (N = 214) adults, participants completed a battery of mental health inventories prior to the nationwide legalization of same-sex marriage. Analyses of covariance (ANCOVAs) examining identity revealed sexual minority participants living in states where same-sex marriage was banned experienced significantly higher levels of internalized homonegativity than sexual minority participants living in states where same-sex marriage was legal, even after controlling for state-level political climate. Mental health ANCOVAs revealed sexual minority participants residing in states without same-sex marriage experienced greater anxiety and lower subjective wellbeing compared to sexual minority participants residing in states with same-sex marriage and heterosexual participants residing in states with or without same-sex marriage. Implications for public policy and future research directions are discussed.

OBJECTIVES:It has been proposed that legislation for same-sex marriage has a positive mental health benefit. The purpose of this paper is to review and evaluate the empirical and conceptual links between same-sex marriage and mental health. CONCLUSIONS:There are substantive methodological issues in the four surveys and comparisons undertaken. Difficulties with the validity of the evidence are discussed. Conceptual difficulties in the arguments relating to victimisation as well as the psychology of marriage are highlighted. It was concluded that it is premature to make claims of causality vis-a-vis same-sex marriage legislation and mental health.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY:Until recently, lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) adults were excluded from full participation in civil marriage. The purpose of this study is to examine how legal marriage and relationship status are associated with health-promoting and at-risk factors, health, and quality of life of LGBT adults aged 50 and older. DESIGN AND METHODS:We utilized weighted survey data from Aging with Pride: National Health, Aging, and Sexuality/Gender Study (NHAS) participants who resided in states with legalized same-sex marriage in 2014 (N = 1,821). Multinomial logistic regression was conducted to examine differences by relationship status (legally married, unmarried partnered, single) in economic and social resources; LGBT contextual and identity factors; health; and quality of life. RESULTS:We found 24% were legally married, and 26% unmarried partnered; one-half were single. Those legally married reported better quality of life and more economic and social resources than unmarried partnered; physical health indicators were similar between legally married and unmarried partnered. Those single reported poorer health and fewer resources than legally married and unmarried partnered. Among women, being legally married was associated with more LGBT microaggressions. IMPLICATIONS:LGBT older adults, and practitioners serving them, should become educated about how legal same-sex marriage interfaces with the context of LGBT older adults' lives, and policies and protections related to age and sexual and gender identity. Longitudinal research is needed to understand factors contributing to decisions to marry, including short- and long-term economic, social, and health outcomes associated with legal marriage among LGBT older adults.

Arguments opposing same-sex marriage are often made on religious grounds. In five studies conducted in the United States and Canada (combined N = 1,673), we observed that religious opposition to same-sex marriage was explained, at least in part, by conservative ideology and linked to sexual prejudice. In Studies 1 and 2, we discovered that the relationship between religiosity and opposition to same-sex marriage was mediated by explicit sexual prejudice. In Study 3, we saw that the mediating effect of sexual prejudice was linked to political conservatism. Finally, in Studies 4a and 4b we examined the ideological underpinnings of religious opposition to same-sex marriage in more detail by taking into account two distinct aspects of conservative ideology. Results revealed that resistance to change was more important than opposition to equality in explaining religious opposition to same-sex marriage.

As a follow-up to our 2016 study, this article presents new findings examining the relationship between same-sex family structure and child health using the 2008-2015 National Health Interview Survey (NHIS). After discussing NIHS data problems, we examine the relationship between family structure and a broad range of child well-being outcomes, including school days lost, behavior, parent-rated health, emotional difficulties, and activity limitations. We find both similarities (school days lost, behavior, parent-rated health) and differences (emotional difficulties and activity limitations) across our two studies using different survey years, but our overall conclusions are robust. We further discuss the implications of our findings for future research on this topic, including how to account for biological relatedness in a study on child health in same-sex families.

This study investigates Italian adolescents' attitudes toward gay men and lesbians and same-sex marriage, and their beliefs about the origins of homosexuality. The sample consists of 449 subjects (226 males), aged between 14 and 21 years. The principal instruments used are: the Attitudes Toward Lesbians and Gay men (ATLG), the Modern Homonegativity Scale (MHS), and the Attitudes Toward Same-Sex Marriage (ATSM). Results suggest that males show a more negative attitude than females toward homosexuals. Furthermore data reveal that respondents with a lack of personal direct contact with gay people have less positive attitudes toward homosexual people and same-sex marriage. The data in this study suggest that homophobia could be deeply rooted in a traditional value system that refutes gender equality.

This study examined attitudes about social acceptance, discrimination protection, and marriage equality for gay/lesbian people with a representative sample of 1,008 Hong Kong Chinese adults via a telephone survey. Despite majority endorsement of homosexuality (52.29% positive vs. 34.12% negative) and discrimination protection (50.72% favorable vs. 14.64% opposed), attitudes toward same-sex marriage diverged (32.79% favorable vs. 39.41% opposed). There was a sharp distinction in accepting gay/lesbian people as co-workers (83.57%) and friends (76.92%) versus relatives (40.19%). Having more homosexual/bisexual friends or co-workers contributed to greater endorsement of social acceptance and discrimination protection but not same-sex marriage. Age, religion, political orientation, and homonegativity consistently predicted attitudes toward social acceptance, discrimination protection, and same-sex marriage, whereas gender-role beliefs, conformity to norms, and cultural orientations had varying impacts. This article informs theory and advocacy by disentangling homonegativity from attitudes about gay/lesbian issues and highlighting the centrality of family-kinship and relative-outsider delineation in Chinese societies.

Meta-analytic methods were used to analyze 179 effect sizes retrieved from 32 research reports on the implications that sexual minority stress may have for same-sex relationship well-being. Sexual minority stress (aggregated across different types of stress) was moderately and negatively associated with same-sex relationship well-being (aggregated across different dimensions of relationship well-being). Internalized homophobia was significantly and negatively associated with same-sex relationship well-being, whereas heterosexist discrimination and sexual orientation visibility management were not. Moreover, the effect size for internalized homophobia was significantly larger than those for heterosexist discrimination and sexual orientation visibility management. Sexual minority stress was significantly and negatively associated with same-sex relationship quality but not associated with closeness or stability. Sexual minority stress was significantly and negatively associated with relationship well-being among same-sex female couples but not among same-sex male couples. The current status of research approaches in this field was also summarized and discussed.

The 2015 SCOTUS ruling legalizing same-sex marriage was hailed as a universal victory for the lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) community, but the pervasive support mobilized to achieve this goal may mask important dissension and inequality within the community. Specifically, how race may shape or perpetuate inequalities in the LGB community through same-sex marriage largely has been absent from the discussion. Focusing on the perceived impact of same-sex marriage in respondents' lives, I investigate the relationship between Black LGBs' perception of same-sex marriage legalization and their intersectional identities and community membership. Drawing from the 2010 Social Justice Sexuality Project survey, I explain the complexity of the attitudes of Black LGBs to the legalization of same-sex marriage and illustrate that (1) Black LGBs exhibit heterogeneous interpretation of the effects of same-sex marriage legalization on their lives based on their racial and sexual identities, and (2) same-sex marriage may provide Black LGBs the rationale to affirm their racial community membership as sexual minorities. This study pushes our understanding of the relationship between intersectional identities and individuals' perceptions of the self, identity-based community memberships, and social institutions.

Taiwan held voter-initiated referendums to determine same-sex marriage legalization on 24 November 2018. This study aims to compare suicidal ideation rates in heterosexual and nonheterosexual participants of a first-wave survey (Wave 1, 23 months before the same-sex marriage referendums) and a second-wave survey (Wave 2, one week after the same-sex marriage referendums) in Taiwan and to examine the influence of gender, age, and sexual orientation on the change in suicidal ideation rates in nonheterosexual participants. In total, 3286 participants in Wave 1 and 1370 participants in Wave 2 were recruited through a Facebook advertisement. Each participant completed an online questionnaire assessing suicidal ideation. The proportions of heterosexual and nonheterosexual participants with suicidal ideation were compared between the Wave 1 and Wave 2 surveys. Suicidal ideation rates between participants in the Wave 1 and Wave 2 surveys were further compared by stratifying nonheterosexual participants according to gender, age, and sexual orientation. Nonheterosexual participants in the Wave 2 survey had a higher suicidal ideation rate than those in the Wave 1 survey, whereas no difference was observed in suicidal ideation rates between heterosexual participants in Wave 2 and Wave 1. Nonheterosexual participants who were female, younger, gay, lesbian, and bisexual in Wave 2 had a higher suicidal ideation rate than those in Wave 1. The suicidal ideation rate significantly increased in nonheterosexual participants experiencing the same-sex marriage referendums in Taiwan. Whether civil rights of sexual minority individuals can be determined through referendums should be evaluated.

The aim of this paper is to examine how nationwide marriage equality and minority stressors are associated with perceptions of social inclusion using a national sample of partnered men who have sex with men (MSM)(n=498). A four-item scale measuring changes in perceived social inclusion due to the nationwide legalization of same-sex marriage was created. Respondents were categorized into four distinct political environments using results from the 2016 US Presidential election. Multilevel modeling was used to examine associations between political environment, minority stressors, and perceived social inclusion. Changes in perceived social inclusion due to marriage equality did not significantly differ between political environments. Higher levels of internalized, anticipated, and enacted stigma were all associated with fewer gains in perceived social inclusion. An interaction between political environment and external stigma was significant in the most politically conservative areas. The legalization of marriage equality has improved perceived social inclusion overall, but less so among men who experience more discrimination and live in conservative environments. Multilevel interventions to change social norms are needed to help decrease minority stressors and improve perceived social inclusion in politically conservative areas with elevated levels of discrimination.

The Non-religious have been growing in numbers in the United States over the past decade. Yet even with their now large numbers we know little about the differences between various versions of non-religious affiliation. Using 2014 survey data from the Public Religion Research Institute this paper examines the attitudes toward same-sex marriage and same-sex adoption of the non-religious. Two non-religious groups are examined Non-theists (atheists and agnostics) and the Religiously Disengaged (non-religious but not atheist or agnostic). Our hypotheses ask if Non-theists are more likely to support same-sex marriage and same-sex adoption than the Religiously Disengaged. The hypotheses are tested across regression models that account for lingering religiosity, religious upbringing, and knowing a homosexual person. The data indicate that there are significant differences between Non-theists and the Religiously Disengaged across all models, with Non-theists being more likely to support same-sex marriage and same-sex adoption than the Religiously Disengaged.

The Non-religious have been growing in numbers in the United States over the past decade. Yet even with their now large numbers we know little about the differences between various versions of non-religious affiliation. Using 2014 survey data from the Public Religion Research Institute this paper examines the attitudes toward same-sex marriage and same-sex adoption of the non-religious. Two non-religious groups are examined Non-theists (atheists and agnostics) and the Religiously Disengaged (non-religious but not atheist or agnostic). Our hypotheses ask if Non-theists are more likely to support same-sex marriage and same-sex adoption than the Religiously Disengaged. The hypotheses are tested across regression models that account for lingering religiosity, religious upbringing, and knowing a homosexual person. The data indicate that there are significant differences between Non-theists and the Religiously Disengaged across all models, with Non-theists being more likely to support same-sex marriage and same-sex adoption than the Religiously Disengaged.

We investigate whether the subjective well-being of individuals in same-sex unions improved following the legalization of same-sex marriage in England and Wales in March 2014. We employ repeated cross-sectional data from the 2011-2016 Annual Population Surveys on 476,411 persons, including 4,112 individuals in coresidential same-sex relationships. The analysis reveals increases in subjective well-being for individuals in same-sex relationships following legalization. Additional analysis documents higher subjective well-being for individuals in married same-sex couples compared with individuals who are in a civil partnership or an informal cohabiting same-sex union. However, the subjective well-being of individuals from same-sex couples increased after legalization among all subgroups considered, including those who cohabited informally. This result hints at a general reduction in structural stigma as an important mechanism behind the improved well-being of individuals in same-sex unions.

PURPOSE:The aims of the study were to examine the role of mental health in peoples' attitude toward same-sex marriage in Taiwan, as well as the moderating effects of gender, age, and sexual orientation on the association between mental health and attitude toward same-sex marriage. METHODS:In total, 3235 participants were recruited through a Facebook advertisement. Each participant completed a questionnaire assessing attitude toward same-sex marriage and a 5-item Brief Symptom Rating Scale (BSRS-5). Multiple regression analysis was performed to investigate the association between mental health and attitude toward same-sex marriage. RESULTS:Poor mental health was significantly associated with a low level of support for same-sex marriage. Age and sexual orientation moderated the association between mental health state and support for same-sex marriage. A significant association between poor mental health and a low level of support for same-sex marriage was observed only in older participants but not in younger participants. Moreover, a significant association between poor mental health and a low level of support for same-sex marriage was indicated only in heterosexual participants but not in non-heterosexual participants. CONCLUSION:Our findings suggest that poor mental health was significantly associated with opposition to same-sex marriage. This relationship is more pronounced among older and heterosexual people.

In this study, we provide demographic insight into the still relatively new family form of same-sex marriage. We focus on period trends in same-sex marriage formation and divorce during 1995-2012 in Sweden and the role of childbearing in same-sex unions. The period begins with the introduction of registered partnership for same-sex couples and also covers the introduction of formal same-sex marriage in 2009. We use register data for the complete population of Sweden to contrast patterns in male and female same-sex marriage formation and divorce. We show that female same-sex union formation increased rapidly over the period, while trends for male same-sex unions increased less. The introduction of same-sex marriage legislation in 2009 appears to have had little effect on the pace of formation of same-sex unions. In contrast, legal changes supporting parental rights in same-sex unions may have fueled the formation of female same-sex marriages as well as parenthood in such unions. Further, we show that divorce risks in the marital unions of two women are much higher than in other types of marriages. We find some convergence of divorce risks across union types at the end of our study period: male same-sex unions have the same divorce risk levels as opposite-sex marriages, and the elevated risks of divorce in female same-sex unions appear to have stabilized at somewhat lower levels than those observed in the late 1990s.

This study examined the associations of perceived socially unfavorable attitudes toward homosexuality and same-sex marriage with suicidal ideation in non-heterosexual and heterosexual participants from first (Wave 1, 23 months prior to same-sex marriage referendums) and second (Wave 2, one week after the referendums) wave surveys in Taiwan. Data provided by 3239 participants in Wave 1 and 1337 participants in Wave 2 who were recruited through a Facebook advertisement were analyzed. Participants completed an online questionnaire assessing suicidal ideation and perceived unfavorable attitudes toward homosexuality and same-sex marriage from Taiwanese society, heterosexual friends, and family members. The results indicate that perceived unfavorable attitudes toward homosexuality from Taiwanese society, heterosexual friends, and family members were positively associated with suicidal ideation among non-heterosexual individuals in the first but not the second survey. In addition, among non-heterosexual individuals, such attitudes toward same-sex marriage in family members and in heterosexual friends were positively associated with suicidal ideation in the Wave 1 and Wave 2 surveys, respectively. Perceived unfavorable attitudes toward homosexuality and same-sex marriage in heterosexual friends were associated with suicidal ideation in heterosexual participants with a favorable attitude but not in those individuals with an unfavorable attitude toward homosexuality, in both surveys. Perceived socially unfavorable attitudes toward homosexuality and same-sex marriage were significantly associated with suicidal ideation before and after same-sex marriage referendums; however, the associations varied between non-heterosexual and heterosexual individuals.

This study explores the extent to which structural stigma (which encompasses sociocultural and institutional constraining factors) is associated with sexual orientation disparities in healthcare service and prescription medicine use. Using the responses to the 2017 Australian Marriage Law Postal Survey, we use the regional percentage of votes against legalising same-sex marriage as a measure of structural stigma. We then map these results to Census-linked-administrative data, including 83,519 individuals in same-sex relationships - one of the largest administrative datasets to date where individuals in same-sex relationships are identified. Controlling for regional and individual-level confounders, we find that structural stigma is associated with increased use of nervous system medications (which largely comprise antidepressants) but reduced GP visits for both females and males in same-sex relationships. More regional stigma is also associated with reduced use of pathology services and anti-infective prescriptions for males in same-sex relationships. Altogether, our results suggest that individuals in same-sex relationships living in stigmatised regions are in poorer health but are less likely to access primary healthcare.

This study examined the factors related to the preference about laws to legalize same-sex relationships in participants of the first wave of a survey (Wave 1, 23 months before the same-sex marriage referendum) and the second wave of a survey (Wave 2, 1 week after the same-sex marriage referendum) in Taiwan. The data of 3286 participants in Wave 1 and 1370 participants in Wave 2 recruited through a Facebook advertisement were analyzed. Each participant completed an online questionnaire assessing their attitude toward the legal recognition of same-sex relationships, preference about laws to legalize same-sex relationships (establishing same-sex couple laws outside the Civil Code vs. changing the Civil Code to include same-sex marriage laws), belief in the importance of legalizing same-sex relationships, and perceived social attitudes toward the legal recognition of same-sex relationships. The results revealed that those who did not support legalizing same-sex relationships were more likely to prefer establishing same-sex couple laws outside the Civil Code than those who supported the legalization. The form of law preferred to legalize same-sex relationships significantly changed between Wave 1 and Wave 2. Multiple factors, including gender, age, sexual orientation, belief in the importance of legalizing same-sex relationships to human rights and the social status of sexual minorities, and perceived peers' and families' attitudes toward the legal recognition of same-sex relationships, were significantly associated with the preference of laws, although these associations varied among heterosexual and non-heterosexual participants and at various stages of the survey.

Research on structural stigma has associated the poor mental health status among lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) people with discriminatory institutions. Yet, less is known about the role of LGB adults' perceptions of social attitudes toward LGB issues. Moreover, the psychological mediation framework posits LGB people's self-acceptance as a mediator between a stigmatizing environment and individual mental health. This study investigated: (a) how perceived attitudes toward LGB issues from different social realms (society, heterosexual friends, and family members) were associated with LGB people's mental health; and (b) whether self-acceptance mediated the effects of perceived attitudes. In this cross-sectional study, 1527 Taiwanese LGB adults (812 men; 715 women) aged between 20 and 62 years were recruited via Facebook to complete an online survey. The majority of respondents self-identified as homosexual (1129) and 399 as bisexual. The survey consisted of assessment of respondents' mental health and questions to rate individual self-acceptance and perceptions of social attitudes. Path analysis showed that self-acceptance partially mediated the association between mental health and perceived societal acceptance of homosexuality and fully mediated the effect of perceptions of friends' acceptance of homosexuality on mental health. Self-acceptance fully mediated the effects of perceived support for same-sex marriage from friends and families. This research yielded evidence about the interplay between perceived social stigma, self-acceptance, and mental health, particularly in the context of public debate about same-sex marriage. The effects of public discourse about sexual diversity and marriage equality on LGB adults' mental health should be addressed by affirmative policies and practices.

Only since 2011 have sexual minorities been able to serve openly in the U.S. military. The previous anti-gay policies and culture of the military may have increased anti-gay beliefs among veterans. Using data from the 2010-2016 General Social Survey, we tested whether veterans more frequently endorsed anti-gay beliefs than their non-veteran peers. Adjusting for sociodemographic characteristics with multiple logistic regression, we tested the associations of veteran status with five anti-gay beliefs (i.e., disallowing a gay person (1) from publicly speaking or (2) teaching at a university, (3) removing a gay-supportive book from a library, (4) whether same-sex sexual relations are wrong, and (5) support of same-sex marriage. Veteran status was associated with greater disagreement with same-sex marriage ( = 0.16, = 0.033) but not with other anti-gay beliefs. Most anti-gay beliefs among veterans were explained by other sociodemographic factors and may not be inherent to veteran status.